Ekki hlfdrttingur vi smund Fririksson

Mr snist hann vera aeins 1/4 drttingur vi smund. Michael snski hgrimaurinn fkkk 4,5 milljnir fjrum rum en smundur slenski hgrimaurinn halai inn rmlega upph (4,6 milljnir) aeins einu ri.

N bur maur spenntur eftir v a eftirlit Alingis krefji hann um endurgreislu ea a skatturinn taki hann skoun og krefji hann um ntur. a eru samt litlar lkur v reyndar. Akstursgreislur og bifreiahlunnindi eru heilg huga skattsins og ar b vilja menn ekki hrra eim potti. a er miklu gilegra a lta a vera skattlti ea skattlaust og niurgreia neyslu og akstur toppana fram.wink

mbl.is Krafist aksturspeninga en var erlendis
Tilkynna um vieigandi tengingu vi frtt

Veiileyfi blstjra

a virist vera komi veiileyfi bilstjra smanum.

er bara a taka upp smann og fara a mynda blstjra smanum, keyrandi yfir rauu ljsi, virandi ekki stvunarskyldu o.s.frv. Fyrst Mogginn birtir svona geta vst flestir gert a.

a fylgir reyndar ekki sgunni hvort s sem mundai smann var lka blstjri fer.wink

mbl.is Strtisvagnstjri sma undir stri
Tilkynna um vieigandi tengingu vi frtt

Flagsleg hugmyndafri einkablsins

Hr eftir fer grein ensku sem heitir The social ideology of the motorcar,eftirAndr Gorz sem er stt han:http://unevenearth.org/2018/08/the-social-ideology-of-the-motorcar/


The social ideology of the motorcar

This 1973 essay on how cars have taken over our cities remains as relevant as ever
August 11, 2018

Image: Stuart Richards
by Andr Gorz

The worst thing about cars is that they are like castles or villas by the sea: luxury goods invented for the exclusive pleasure of a very rich minority, and which in conception and nature were never intended for the people. Unlike the vacuum cleaner, the radio, or the bicycle, which retain their use value when everyone has one, the car, like a villa by the sea, is only desirable and useful insofar as the masses don’t have one. That is how in both conception and original purpose the car is a luxury good. And the essence of luxury is that it cannot be democratized. If everyone can have luxury, no one gets any advantages from it. On the contrary, everyone diddles, cheats, and frustrates everyone else, and is diddled, cheated, and frustrated in return.

This is pretty much common knowledge in the case of the seaside villas. No politico has yet dared to claim that to democratize the right to vacation would mean a villa with private beach for every family. Everyone understands that if each of 13 or 14 million families were to use only 10 meters of the coast, it would take 140,000km of beach in order for all of them to have their share! To give everyone his or her share would be to cut up the beaches in such little strips—or to squeeze the villas so tightly together—that their use value would be nil and their advantage over a hotel complex would disappear. In short, democratization of access to the beaches point to only one solution—the collectivist one. And this solution is necessarily at war with the luxury of the private beach, which is a privilege that a small minority takes as their right at the expense of all.

Now, why is it that what is perfectly obvious in the case of the beaches is not generally acknowledged to be the case for transportation? Like the beach house, doesn’t a car occupy scarce space? Doesn’t it deprive the others who use the roads (pedestrians, cyclists, streetcar and bus drivers)? Doesn’t it lose its use value when everyone uses his or her own? And yet there are plenty of politicians who insist that every family has the right to at least one car and that it’s up to the “government” to make it possible for everyone to park conveniently, drive easily in the city, and go on holiday at the same time as everyone else, going 70 mph on the roads to vacation spots. The monstrousness of this demagogic nonsense is immediately apparent, and yet even the left doesn’t disdain resorting to it. Why is the car treated like a sacred cow? Why, unlike other “privative” goods, isn’t it recognized as an antisocial luxury? The answer should be sought in the following two aspects of driving:

Mass motoring effects an absolute triumph of bourgeois ideology on the level of daily life. It gives and supports in everyone the illusion that each individual can seek his or her own benefit at the expense of everyone else. Take the cruel and aggressive selfishness of the driver who at any moment is figuratively killing the “others,” who appear merely as physical obstacles to his or her own speed. This aggressive and competitive selfishness marks the arrival of universally bourgeois behavior, and has come into being since driving has become commonplace. (“You’ll never have socialism with that kind of people,” an East German friend told me, upset by the spectacle of Paris traffic).
The automobile is the paradoxical example of a luxury object that has been devalued by its own spread. But this practical devaluation has not yet been followed by an ideological devaluation. The myth of the pleasure and benefit of the car persists, though if mass transportation were widespread its superiority would be striking. The persistence of this myth is easily explained. The spread of the private car has displaced mass transportation and altered city planning and housing in such a way that it transfers to the car functions which its own spread has made necessary. An ideological (“cultural”) revolution would be needed to break this circle. Obviously this is not to be expected from the ruling class (either right or left).
Let us look more closely now at these two points.

When the car was invented, it was to provide a few of the very rich with a completely unprecedented privilege: that of traveling much faster than everyone else. No one up to then had ever dreamt of it. The speed of all coaches was essentially the same, whether you were rich or poor. The carriages of the rich didn’t go any faster than the carts of the peasants, and trains carried everyone at the same speed (they didn’t begin to have different speeds until they began to compete with the automobile and the airplane). Thus, until the turn of the century, the elite did not travel at a different speed from the people. The motorcar was going to change all that. For the first time class differences were to be extended to speed and to the means of transportation.

This means of transportation at first seemed unattainable to the masses—it was so different from ordinary means. There was no comparison between the motorcar and the others: the cart, the train, the bicycle, or the horse-car. Exceptional beings went out in self-propelled vehicles that weighed at least a ton and whose extremely complicated mechanical organs were as mysterious as they were hidden from view. For one important aspect of the automobile myth is that for the first time people were riding in private vehicles whose operating mechanisms were completely unknown to them and whose maintenance and feeding they had to entrust to specialists. Here is the paradox of the automobile: it appears to confer on its owners limitless freedom, allowing them to travel when and where they choose at a speed equal to or greater than that of the train. But actually, this seeming independence has for its underside a radical dependency. Unlike the horse rider, the wagon driver, or the cyclist, the motorist was going to depend for the fuel supply, as well as for the smallest kind of repair, on dealers and specialists in engines, lubrication, and ignition, and on the interchangeability of parts. Unlike all previous owners of a means of locomotion, the motorist’s relationship to his or her vehicle was to be that of user and consumer-and not owner and master. This vehicle, in other words, would oblige the owner to consume and use a host of commercial services and industrial products that could only be provided by some third party. The apparent independence of the automobile owner was only concealing the actual radical dependency.

"For the first time in history, people would become dependent for their locomotion on a commercial source of energy."

The oil magnates were the first to perceive the prize that could be extracted from the wide distribution of the motorcar. If people could be induced to travel in cars, they could be sold the fuel necessary to move them. For the first time in history, people would become dependent for their locomotion on a commercial source of energy. There would be as many customers for the oil industry as there were motorists—and since there would be as many motorists as there were families, the entire population would become the oil merchants’ customers. The dream of every capitalist was about to come true. Everyone was going to depend for their daily needs on a commodity that a single industry held as a monopoly.

All that was left was to get the population to drive cars. Little persuasion would be needed. It would be enough to get the price of a car down by using mass production and the assembly line. People would fall all over themselves to buy it. They fell over themselves all right, without noticing they were being led by the nose. What, in fact, did the automobile industry offer them? Just this: “From now on, like the nobility and the bourgeoisie, you too will have the privilege of driving faster than everybody else. In a motorcar society the privilege of the elite is made available to you.”

People rushed to buy cars until, as the working class began to buy them as well, defrauded motorists realized they had been had. They had been promised a bourgeois privilege, they had gone into debt to acquire it, and now they saw that everyone else could also get one. What good is a privilege if everyone can have it? It’s a fool’s game. Worse, it pits everyone against everyone else. General paralysis is brought on by a general clash. For when everyone claims the right to drive at the privileged speed of the bourgeoisie, everything comes to a halt, and the speed of city traffic plummets—in Boston as in Paris, Rome, or London—to below that of the horsecar; at rush hours the average speed on the open road falls below the speed of a bicyclist.

"When everyone claims the right to drive at the privileged speed of the bourgeoisie, everything comes to a halt, and the speed of city traffic plummets"

Nothing helps. All the solutions have been tried. They all end up making things worse. No matter if they increase the number of city expressways, beltways, elevated crossways, 16-lane highways, and toll roads, the result is always the same. The more roads there are in service, the more cars clog them, and city traffic becomes more paralyzingly congested. As long as there are cities, the problem will remain unsolved. No matter how wide and fast a superhighway is, the speed at which vehicles can come off it to enter the city cannot be greater than the average speed on the city streets. As long as the average speed in Paris is 10 to 20 kmh, depending on the time of day, no one will be able to get off the beltways and autoroutes around and into the capital at more than 10 to 20 kmh.

The same is true for all cities. It is impossible to drive at more than an average of 20 kmh in the tangled network of streets, avenues, and boulevards that characterise the traditional cities. The introduction of faster vehicles inevitably disrupts city traffic, causing bottlenecks-and finally complete paralysis.

If the car is to prevail, there’s still one solution: get rid of the cities. That is, string them out for hundreds of miles along enormous roads, making them into highway suburbs. That’s what’s been done in the United States. Ivan Illich sums up the effect in these startling figures: “The typical American devotes more than 1500 hours a year (which is 30 hours a week, or 4 hours a day, including Sundays) to his [or her] car. This includes the time spent behind the wheel, both in motion and stopped, the hours of work to pay for it and to pay for gas, tires, tolls, insurance, tickets, and taxes .Thus it takes this American 1500 hours to go 6000 miles (in the course of a year). Three and a half miles take him (or her) one hour. In countries that do not have a transportation industry, people travel at exactly this speed on foot, with the added advantage that they can go wherever they want and aren’t restricted to asphalt roads.”

It is true, Illich points out, that in non-industrialized countries travel uses only 3 to 8% of people’s free time (which comes to about two to six hours a week). Thus a person on foot covers as many miles in an hour devoted to travel as a person in a car, but devotes 5 to 10 times less time in travel. Moral: The more widespread fast vehicles are within a society, the more time—beyond a certain point—people will spend and lose on travel. It’s a mathematical fact.

The reason? We’ve just seen it: The cities and towns have been broken up into endless highway suburbs, for that was the only way to avoid traffic congestion in residential centers. But the underside of this solution is obvious: ultimately people can’t get around conveniently because they are far away from everything. To make room for the cars, distances have increased. People live far from their work, far from school, far from the supermarket—which then requires a second car so the shopping can be done and the children driven to school. Outings? Out of the question. Friends? There are the neighbors… and that’s it. In the final analysis, the car wastes more time than it saves and creates more distance than it overcomes. Of course, you can get yourself to work doing 60 mph, but that’s because you live 30 miles from your job and are willing to give half an hour to the last 6 miles. To sum it all up: “A good part of each day’s work goes to pay for the travel necessary to get to work.” (Ivan Illich).

"In the final analysis, the car wastes more time than it saves and creates more distance than it overcomes."

Maybe you are saying, “But at least in this way you can escape the hell of the city once the workday is over.” There we are, now we know: “the city,” the great city which for generations was considered a marvel, the only place worth living, is now considered to be a “hell.” Everyone wants to escape from it, to live in the country. Why this reversal? For only one reason. The car has made the big city uninhabitable. It has made it stinking, noisy, suffocating, dusty, so congested that nobody wants to go out in the evening anymore. Thus, since cars have killed the city, we need faster cars to escape on superhighways to suburbs that are even farther away. What an impeccable circular argument: give us more cars so that we can escape the destruction caused by cars.

"Since cars have killed the city, we need faster cars to escape on superhighways to suburbs that are even farther away. What an impeccable circular argument: give us more cars so that we can escape the destruction caused by cars."

From being a luxury item and a sign of privilege, the car has thus become a vital necessity. You have to have one so as to escape from the urban hell of the cars. Capitalist industry has thus won the game: the superfluous has become necessary. There’s no longer any need to persuade people that they want a car; it’s necessity is a fact of life. It is true that one may have one’s doubts when watching the motorized escape along the exodus roads. Between 8 and 9:30 a.m., between 5:30 and 7 p.m., and on weekends for five and six hours the escape routes stretch out into bumper-to-bumper processions going (at best) the speed of a bicyclist and in a dense cloud of gasoline fumes. What remains of the car’s advantages? What is left when, inevitably, the top speed on the roads is limited to exactly the speed of the slowest car?

Fair enough. After killing the city, the car is killing the car. Having promised everyone they would be able to go faster, the automobile industry ends up with the unrelentingly predictable result that everyone has to go as slowly as the very slowest, at a speed determined by the simple laws of fluid dynamics. Worse: having been invented to allow its owner to go where he or she wishes, at the time and speed he or she wishes, the car becomes, of all vehicles, the most slavish, risky, undependable and uncomfortable. Even if you leave yourself an extravagant amount of time, you never know when the bottlenecks will let you get there. You are bound to the road as inexorably as the train to its rails. No more than the railway traveller can you stop on impulse, and like the train you must go at a speed decided by someone else. Summing up, the car has none of the advantages of the train and all of its disadvantages, plus some of its own: vibration, cramped space, the danger of accidents, the effort necessary to drive it.

And yet, you may say, people don’t take the train. Of course! How could they? Have you ever tried to go from Boston to New York by train? Or from Ivry to Treport? Or from Garches to Fountainebleau? Or Colombes to l’Isle-Adam? Have you tried on a summer Saturday or Sunday? Well, then, try it and good luck to you! You’ll observe that automobile capitalism has thought of everything. Just when the car is killing the car, it arranges for the alternatives to disappear, thus making the car compulsory. So first the capitalist state allowed the rail connections between the cities and the surrounding countryside to fall to pieces, and then it did away with them. The only ones that have been spared are the high-speed intercity connections that compete with the airlines for a bourgeois clientele. There’s progress for you!

The truth is, no one really has any choice. You aren’t free to have a car or not because the suburban world is designed to be a function of the car and, more and more, so is the city world. That is why the ideal revolutionary solution, which is to do away with the car in favour of the bicycle, the streetcar, the bus, and the driverless taxi, is not even applicable any longer in the big commuter cities like Los Angeles, Detroit, Houston, Trappes, or even Brussels, which are built by and for the automobile. These splintered cities are strung out along empty streets lined with identical developments; and their urban landscape (a desert) says, “These streets are made for driving as quickly as possible from work to home and vice versa. You go through here, you don’t live here. At the end of the workday everyone ought to stay at home, and anyone found on the street after nightfall should be considered suspect of plotting evil.” In some American cities the act of strolling in the streets at night is grounds for suspicion of a crime.

So, the jig is up? No, but the alternative to the car will have to be comprehensive. For in order for people to be able to give up their cars, it won’t be enough to offer them more comfortable mass transportation. They will have to be able to do without transportation altogether because they’ll feel at home in their neighborhoods, their community, their human-sized cities, and they will take pleasure in walking from work to home-on foot, or if need be by bicycle. No means of fast transportation and escape will ever compensate for the vexation of living in an uninhabitable city in which no one feels at home or the irritation of only going into the city to work or, on the other hand, to be alone and sleep.

“People,” writes Illich, “will break the chains of overpowering transportation when they come once again to love as their own territory their own particular beat, and to dread getting too far away from it.” But in order to love “one’s territory” it must first of all be made livable, and not trafficable. The neighborhood or community must once again become a microcosm shaped by and for all human activities, where people can work, live, relax, learn, communicate, and knock about, and which they manage together as the place of their life in common. When someone asked him how people would spend their time after the revolution, when capitalist wastefulness had been done away with, Marcuse answered, “We will tear down the big cities and build new ones. That will keep us busy for a while.”

These new cities might be federations of communities (or neighborhoods) surrounded by green belts whose citizens-and especially the schoolchildren-will spend several hours a week growing the fresh produce they need. To get around everyday they would be able to use all kinds of transportation adapted to a medium-sized town: municipal bicycles, trolleys or trolley-buses, electric taxis without drivers. For longer trips into the country, as well as for guests, a pool of communal automobiles would be available in neighborhood garages. The car would no longer be a necessity. Everything will have changed: the world, life, people. And this will not have come about all by itself.

"Above all, never make transportation an issue by itself. Always connect it to the problem of the city, of the social division of labour, and to the way this compartmentalizes the many dimensions of life."

Meanwhile, what is to be done to get there? Above all, never make transportation an issue by itself. Always connect it to the problem of the city, of the social division of labour, and to the way this compartmentalizes the many dimensions of life. One place for work, another for “living,” a third for shopping, a fourth for learning, a fifth for entertainment. The way our space is arranged carries on the disintegration of people that begins with the division of labour in the factory. It cuts a person into slices, it cuts our time, our life, into separate slices so that in each one you are a passive consumer at the mercy of the merchants, so that it never occurs to you that work, culture, communication, pleasure, satisfaction of needs, and personal life can and should be one and the same thing: a unified life, sustained by the social fabric of the community.

From Le Sauvage September-October 1973. Translator not known.

Andr Gorz was a philosopher, journalist, and writer. He was known as one of the first ecosocialists and political ecologists.

Flksblafjldinn er ofmetin slandi

Fjldi flksbla skr slandi er ekki sambrilegur vi fjlda flksbla umfer Evrpu. r tlur sem eru gefnar upp af Samgngustofu eru v ekki samanburarhfar vi Evrpskar tlur vegna essa. etta urfa menn a hafa huga umfjllun um flksblaeign ea ara bleign. g hef ekki kanna essar tlur nna upp skasti en sast egar g geri a var flksblaflotinn slandi ofmetinn um 15% sumrin en um 17% um ramt.
g hef fjalla um etta ml treka en ekki haft rangur sem erfii ar sem enn er veri a bera saman me villandi htti flksblaeign slandi og Evrpu.Samanber essa grein:

mbl.is Flksblum fjlgar hratt
Tilkynna um vieigandi tengingu vi frtt



Fyrir skemmstu skrifai g grein um byggingu ba og jnustu Hagatorgi vi Htel Sgu ar sem g geri r fyrir a engin blasti fylgdu bum en a bar gtu samntt blastin vi Hskla slands og lagt blum snum ar kvldin og um helgar. N hafa menn komi a mli vi mig og veri ngir me a ekki skuli blasti fylgja bum. a a vera bllaus er ekki allra og marga dreymir um a ganga beint ofan blakjallara og njta alls ess besta sem stofnbrautarkerfi hfuborgarsvisins hefur upp a bja.

Auvita ver g vi eirri sk og v vil g stinga upp sambrilegri babygg hinum enda skalans. Ekki inni bahverfi heldur einmitt ar sem astur eru hagstastar fyrir blaeigendur. Hvar er betra fyrir a vera en einmitt slaufu paradsinni ar sem Miklabraut/Vesturlandsvegur og Sbraut/Reykjanesbraut liggja saman? ar liggja leiir til allra tta.

Flatarmli er svipa og flatarml Kvosarinnar miborg Reykjavkur og er ntingarhlutfall svisins 0% dag. arna er ekki eitt einasta hs (reyndar eitt veituhs). Af v koma engin fasteignagjld og ekkert tsvar. Flatarml svisins er um 132.000 m2 ea 13,2 ha. eim er hgt koma fyrir byggingum um 4,4 ha ef vi mium vi a byggja ekki yfir allar slaufurnar eins og sj m mefylgjandi mynd. arna vri hgt a byggja eins og fjgur Hfatorg me llu saman, blakjllurum og 18 ha turnum og vri hgt a tengja svi vel vi vegakerfi me a- og frreinum. Almenningssamgngur mundu lka eiga greia lei arna gegn. Me v a byggja svinu vri lka hgt a opna njar leiir fyrir gangandi og hjlandi en eins og sakir standa er etta svi loka fyrir essa vegfarenda hpa.


Vi skulum gefa okkur forsendur til a sna mguleika svisins. r eru sndar mefylgjandi tflu. Mgulegt byggingarsvi skiptist fjrar misstrar eyjar milli slaufa. tflunni er gert r fyrir a grunnfltur hvers turns s um 1.000 m2 og a fjldi eirra s mismunandi eftir str svisins fr tveimur upp fimm turna eftir str slaufunnar. Vntanlega yri meira og minna allt svi hverri slaufu byggt upp me blakjllurum, a- og frreinum, stgum og gngum og grri til a koma umfer akandi, gangandi, hjlandi og almenningssamgngum fyrir. etta byggingarmagn er ekki reikna t. H turna essari forsendu er 18 hir og er reikna heildarflatarml barma og sameignar hverri slaufu me v a margfalda grunnflt x fjlda turna x fjlda ha. Gefin er forsenda um 100 m2 mealflatarml bar me sameign og hn deilt heildarflatarml gefur fjlda ba og a margfalda me 1,5 bum b gefur heildarfjlda ba slaufu. essar forsendur gefa fimmtn 18 ha turna me heildarflatarml 270.000 m2, 2.700 bir og 4.050 ba. Ntingarhlutfall la yri 6,2 og gatnamtanna heild um 2,0.

Auvita eru essar forsendur samt raunhfar sem slkar ar sem svona tt babygg n tenginga vi skla og leikskla kemur ekki til greina. Reyndar er ekki tiloka a koma fyrir leikskla og fyrstu stigum grunnskla suaustan vi svi utan vi slaufurnar, ar sem a snr t mti Ellianum, og gti v visst hlutfall ba veri reist stanum.

essar hugmyndir eru fyrst og fremst settar fram til gamans til a sna hva plssi er miki essum sta og hve miklu vri hgt a koma arna fyrir. Ef fari verur a a byggja upp etta vanntta land slaufunum er lklegt a hsin yru mis h og jnuu mismunandi hlutverki svipa og Hfatorgi. arna vri gur staur til a koma fyrir skrifstofum, htelum, jnustu og bum. etta er svi sem hentar vel slka uppbyggingu og raun mun betur en mrg au svi sem veri er a um-turna nna. Raunhft er a gera r fyrir hu ntingarhlutfalli ar sem samgngur eru me allra besta mti allar ttir bi einkabl og me almenningssamgngum og hjlandi.

Greinin birtist fyrst Stundinni.



hfuborgarsvinu er sem kunnugt er mikill skortur minni bum fyrir ungt flk sem er a flytja a heiman og kaupa sna fyrstu b. er mikill fjldi tlendinga og slendinga sem br slmu hsni lglegum vistarverum inaarhsni og samykktu hsni og herbergjum. Staa stdenta er lka slm og vantar miki af leiguhsni fyrir stdenta hfuborgarsvinu.

v miur hefur miki af v hsni sem hefur veri byggt hfuborgarsvinu undanfari veri markasett fyrir vel sta ba mijum aldri. eir borga htt tsvar, a minnsta kosti ef tekjur eirra eru ekki eingngu fjrmagnstekjur og ef eir skr lgheimili hsninu. eru h fasteignagjld af drum bum. eir valda sveitarflgunum san litlum tilkostnai vegna skla og leikskla v brnin eru oftast flutt a heiman. Sveitarflgin urfa a gera miklu meir a v a skipuleggja drara hsni fyrir ungt flk v samflagi getur ekki bara veri samansett r vel stu flki yfir fimmtugt. Fra m sannfrandi rk fyrir v a hsnisvandi ungs flks s farin a hafa hrif barneignir og ar me tilkomu nstu kynslar slendinga, sem verur fmennari fyrir viki. A mnu mati er v skynsamlegt a beina sjnum a opnum vannttum svum og hugsa fyrir uppbyggingu hsnis ar sem getur nst eim hpum sem mest vantar hsni.

Til a byrja einhversstaar langar mig til a koma me tillgu um betri ntingu Hagatorgi vi Htel Sgu. Nverandi torg jnar litlum tilgangi nema sem strt opi illa ntt svi, sem lengir vegalengdir gangandi flks. g legg v til a Hagatorgi veri byggt. ar sem Hagatorg er nlgt Hskla slands gti hluti ba veri fyrir stdenta og hluti ba fyrir nja kaupendur og hluti flagslegt hsni. Ekki er rf srstkum blastum fyrir birnar v bar, ef eir eiga bl, geta lagt stum vi hsklann sem standa au nema yfir hdaginn og annig er hgt a samnta blastin.

Hr varpa g fram hugmynd um baturn til a sna mguleika svisins en arar tfrslur koma auvita til greina. a vri eins hgt a hugsa sr randbygg ea nnur byggaform. Hagatorg er 83 m vermli og vri hgt a byggja til dmis hs ar sem nestu 1-2 hirnar eru um 63 m vermli me verslun, jnustu og veitingastai. Undir yri kjallari smu str me geymslur fyrir bir, sameiginleg vottarmi, hjla og vagnageymslu, tknirmi og asturmi fyrir verslun og jnustu. Ofan kmi hs me bum og gti a veri um 42 m verml ar sem bir eru hringinn en kjarna byggingar eru tengirmi, lagnarmi, lyftur og stigagangar. Utan vi hsi Hagatorgi er 20 m breitt svi sem gti veri brei gangsttt me grri, akoma fyrir affermingu, skammtma blasti, hjlasti og blasti fatlara (sj mynd). Gnguleiir lgju yfir hringtorgi kring.

Fjldi baha gti veri nokkur en ef a lkum ltur vilja ngrannar hafa hsi sem lgst. Htel Saga er sj hir og blokkir vi Birkimel eru sex hir og gtu essar hir veri fyrirmynd. Hsi gti lka veri mun hrra og veri einskonar kennileiti Melunum.

Til a nefna hugsanlegan fjlda ba m gefa sr msar forsendur. Til a nefna dmi m gefa sr forsendu um 14 hir ar af 12 bahir, mealstr ba um 70 m2 og 1,5 manns heimili. a myndi gefa ntingarhlutfall lar upp 4,8, 180 bir og 270 ba. Ef mia er vi sj hir eins og Htel Saga og smu forsendur, eru bahir fimm, ntingarhlutfall lar 3, bir 75 og bar 112.

essari hugmynd er hr kasta fram til umru og auvita munu ekki allir vera sttir. Mr finnst vera til einhvers a vinna a byggja drt hsni fyrir sem virkilega urfa v a halda. Eins a skapa meira lf essu svi og bta ntingu innvia. g treysti arkitektum fullkomlega til a teikna fallega byggingu sem fellur vel inn umhverfi.

Greinin birtist fyrst Stundinni.

sanna a ryggisbnaur hafi fkka slysum brnum um 35%

a er ekki vita hver ttur ryggisbnaar er fkkun slysa. A llum lkindum er hann einhver. Lklegra er a fkkun slysa brnum megi a mestu rekja til riggja tta.

  • ruggari umhverfis og lgri kuhraa bahverfum. 30 km hverfin og hraatlmandi agerir eins og hraahindranir og rengingar skipta ar lklega miklu.
  • Minni hreyfingar barna og meiri inniveru. Minni tileikir og hreyfingarleysi eru neikvir fylgifiskar.
  • Meiri notkunar ryggisbnaar. Brnum er miki eki sem er neikvtt en n eru au oftast barnablstlum ea beltum sem er gtt.

mbl.is Umferarslysum barna fkka um 35%
Tilkynna um vieigandi tengingu vi frtt

Epli og appelsnur?

g veit ekki hvort Ragnar hafni alfari aljlegum samanburi en g efast frekar um a. Slkur samanburur er oft erfiur og arf a gta a v a ekki s veri a bera saman epli og appelsnur. Stundum snist manni eir sem eru slkum samanburi velji a halda lofti eim samanburi sem hentar eirra mlsta en ekki hinum sem styur hann ekki. a kemur reyndar fram hj stu a "opinberar rannsknir su ekki heilagar".

egar jafn einfld tlfri og blaeign slendinga og flatarml ttblis Reykjavk vefst fyrir mnnum er ekki gu von egar a bera saman lfskjr og anna me flknum mlikvrum.

mbl.is Afr a upplstu samflagi
Tilkynna um vieigandi tengingu vi frtt

Var hann ekki bl?

Auvita m ekki kenna v um a hann hafi veri kumaur. Nei, hann var skamaur!

Vntanlega var hann svigskunum og trakai arna allt t annig a strs ftboltavellinum.

Kannski var hann eitthva meira lka. Kannski pabbi, einhleypur, hvtur, svartur, hommi, forstjri, verkamaur ea hjlreiamaur. Getum vi ekki kennt v um lka a hann hafi eyilagt vllinn?

Vi skulum a.m.k. ekki kenna vi um a hann hafi veri kumaur undir stri bl sem bar byrg akstrinum. Fyrsta lgmli blaamennsku virist vera:

  1. kumaur ber aldrei byrg akstrinum og v tjni sem hann veldur. vallt skal kenna ru um.tongue-out

mbl.is Skamaur olli skemmdum
Tilkynna um vieigandi tengingu vi frtt

Minni umferartafir

Nna vetur hafa umferarmlin hfuborgarsvinu veri brennidepli vegna aukinnar blaumferar og meiri umferartafa annatma. tt umferartafir teljist raun ekki miklar samanburi vi margar arar borgir vestan hafs og austan finnst mrgum standi viunandi. Margir vilja a rist veri umfangsmiklar framkvmdir vi stofnbrautir til a leysa r essum umferarteppum. sama tma er veri a breyta svisskipulagi hfuborgarsvisins til a koma fyrir Borgarlnu. Borgarlna er hgakerfi almenningssamgangna sem er einskonar strt „sterum“ sem keyrir snu eigin rmi og verur fyrir litlum tfum umferinni og er hgt a alaga str vagna a eftirspurn yfir daginn. Skipulagsverkefni um Borgarlnu er lka tlun um ttingu byggar nst fyrirhugari legu lnunnar sem gerir ara samgngumta meira alaandi eim svum, frir almenningssamgngur nr flki og skapar blandaa bygg me nrjnustu gngufri. Raunhft er a gera r fyrir a hafist veri handa vi fyrsta fanga Borgarlnu eftir um 2-4 r og a loki veri vi fyrsta fanga eftir um 10 r. Gera m r fyrir a seinni fangar veri klrair eftir um 20 r.

Nausynlegt er a rast msar agerir til a draga r tfum umferinni og greia fyrir samgngum allra feramta. Borgarlna mun egar hn kemur vera litlegur kostur. Strt hefur egar brugist vi me v a auka tni lykilleium og keyrir meiri tni annatma og mikil aukning hefur ori fjlda farega tt hlutdeild fera me strt hafi ekki aukist sama hlutfalli vegna aukins ferafjlda hfuborgarsvinu. Margir horfa vonaraugum til sjlfkeyrandi bila og samntingu eirra en lkur benda til ess a eir komi kannski eftir um 20-30 r. Hva er til ra mean vi bum eftir langtma lausnum?

rbtur stofnbrautarkerfinu.
Hugsanlega er hgt a rast rbtur stofnbrautarkerfinu sem gti dregi r umferartfum. a kostar flestum tilvikum har fjrhir v vandinn ar er a vi bum n egar vi ofvaxi umferarkerfi mia vi umfer yfir daginn. Til a vinna tfum annatma urfum vi a byggja enn trllvaxnara umferarkerfi til a hindra tafir sem eiga sr sta tvisvar dag stuttan tma einu. Hvaa agerir ar eru liklegastar til a skila mestum rangri me minni tfum og auknu umferarryggi lt g umferarsrfringum eftir a sinni.

Forgangsakreinar strt
Fleiri og lengri forgangsakreinar strt gtu dregi r umferartfum og fengi fleiri til a velja almenningssamgngur. Ef forgangsakreinar ntast Borgarlnunni er a borleggjandi a vi ttum a rast sem fyrst lagningu fleiri forgangsakreina. Jafnvel eim hverfum ar sem Borgarlnan er ekki fyrirhugu munu forgangsakreinar ntast strt framtinni.

Samnting bla
Mealfjldi bl er kannski um 1,2 annatma og er ljst a blar geta flutt miklu fleiri en eir gera. Ef 2 sitja hverjum bl frekar en 1,2 mundi umfer bla t.d. minnka um 40% en a sem mli skiptir, samgngur og flksflutningar vru eir smu. Umferartafir eru vegna ess a lti hlutfall btist ofan fjldann sem fyrir er annig a minnkun umferar um rf % getur komi veg fyrir nr allar umferartafir. Ef mealfjldi einstaklinga bl ykist 1,3 einstaklinga bl r 1,2 mundi umfer geta minnka um 8% og umferartafir heyra sgunni til a mestu sbr. mefylgjandi slurit. Hvaa skynsemi er a ba 20-30 r eftir sjlfkeyrandi blum ur en vi aukum samntingu bla? Hvar er deilihagkerfi og „ppin“ sem gera flki thverfunum kleift a samnta bla lei vinnu og skla? Eru hugmyndir um samntingu sjlfkeyrandi bla kannski raunhfar?


Gjaldskyld blasti
a er tvrtt a fr blasti hvetja til aksturs og auka umfer. Sennilegt er a margar stuttar blferir vru aldrei farnar ef ekki vri frtt blasti enda ferar. a er lka slmt a eldsneytiseysla og mengun er mest stuttum blferum egar blar eru rstir kaldir. Lklegt er a lengri blferir yru einnig frri ea a fleiri mundu samnta bla ef blasti enda ferar mundu kosta notandann. a vri dr og rangursrk lei til a draga r umferartfum a fjlga gjaldskyldum blastum borgarumhverfi. Ef gjaldskylda vri t.d. llum blastum hsklum, framhaldssklum, Borgartni, vi verslanamistvar og milgum hverfum er lklegt a umfer mundi minnka um nokkur prsent og a umferartafir myndu minnka ea hverfa. Me gjaldskyldu blastum gtum vi spara okkur umtalsver tlt vi umferarmannvirki. Gjaldskylda blastum tti alltaf a vera fyrsti valkostur sem yfirvld ttu a skoa ur en huga er a njum vegaframkvmdum ttbli. Hversvegna a eya 10 milljrum mislg gatnamt ef gjaldskylda blastum gerir sama ea meira gagn?

Fyrri sa | Nsta sa


Árni Davíðsson
Árni Davíðsson
Höfundur er líffræðingur og kennari í hjólafærni. Allar skoðanir höfundar eru hans eigin og skal ekki yfirfæra á aðra einstaklinga eða samtök. Tölvupóstur: arnid65@gmail.com

Jan. 2020

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